Thiloththama Jayasinghe, Jadetimes Staff
T. Jayasinghe is a Jadetimes news reporter covering Political News
The dramatic scenes that unfolded on 13 July 2022 had formed a turning point in Sri Lanka's history, full of exuberant celebrations marking the ousting of then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Thousands of Sri Lankans had converged at the presidential palace in Colombo, defying curfews and facing state crackdowns for one single purpose: to see Rajapaksa step down. This was the culmination of months of protests-a movement that resonated with people from all walks of life who felt the weight of a deteriorating economy coupled with corruption and political mismanagement.
The *aragalaya* or "struggle" in Sinhala is an unprecedented mass protest in its scale and determination. For years, the Rajapaksa family had been an indomitable force in Sri Lankan politics, their influence firmly entrenched in the country's governance. Mahinda Rajapaksa, the elder statesman of the family, had built his reputation on ending Sri Lanka's decades-long civil war against the Tamil Tigers, gaining near-mythical status among the Sinhalese majority. His brother Gotabaya, then a powerful defense secretary, was known to be pretty uncompromising where security and order was concerned.
It was an almost irreversible end that came to the Rajapaksa Dynasty in 2022. A succession of policy missteps had culminated in an economic crisis, which had shaken the family's tight grip on power. The unthinkable had happened: Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country due to a public outcry; Sri Lanka was thus without a leader to speak of, its economy in a total collapse with very high inflation and poverty. The Rajapaksas-or so it would have seemed-had fallen.
Yet, with 2024, the question of what was going to happen to the Rajapaksas in the way of political future began again. And Mahinda Rajapaksa's son, Namal Rajapaksa, turned into a presidential candidate for the coming election. The dream of the young Rajapaksa throws up the paradox in the family's supposed political demise. His campaign strategy is wholly pegged on invoking the spirit of his father Mahinda-the image and influence that are still now on in the minds of a lot of the Sinhala voters. The Rajapaksa base-loyal, at least, in rural strongholds like Hambantota-remains loyal despite the hardships endured during Gotabaya's presidency.
The debate over Namal's candidacy has opened deep wounds among Sri Lankans. Many of those who participated in the *aragalaya* feel betrayed by the possibility of another Rajapaksa returning to power. It's not only that this family is re-entering the political fray that irritates many", said Lakshan Sandaruwan, a university student, but the fear that the same electorate that threw out the Rajapaksas may vote them back into power. The political landscape in Sri Lanka remains volatile, and the candidacy of Namal may get the family's legacy rolling or may signal the beginning of the end of their political dynasty.
Adding to this political ambience is the current economic distress Sri Lanka is facing. President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who came into power after Gotabaya's resignation, has pushed economic reforms that are very unpopular among many. His government removed subsidies on basic utilities such as electricity and cut welfare programs while raising taxes. Although these measures are really essential in order for the economy to stabilize, they have furthered the hardships the population faces. Millions of Sri Lankans have sunk below the poverty line, and families cannot afford even the most basic items. In many ways, the economic pain has become much greater than the political crisis because mere survival has taken precedence over ideologies.
In that vein, Namal's candidacy is more than the pursuit of his family's political ambitions. That speaks volumes about the resilience of the Rajapaksa brand in a country where personal loyalties often triumph over policy failures. According to political scientist Jayadeva Uyangoda, Namal's presidential bid will be not only about winning in 2024 but also about ensuring relevance beyond that. The young Rajapaksa looks already ready for 2029, sees to it that the family machinery is in good trim for a possible comeback.
For large numbers of Sri Lankans and those loyal to the Rajapaksas, Namal's rise is a case of natural progression. His father Mahinda is still viewed as some sort of hero in the eyes of many-a reason being the end of the civil war. He has kept busy aligning himself with his father's image, even sporting the signature red shawl and moustache-clear attempts at recapturing the Rajapaksa voter base. But that may not be enough to convince a population still trying to grapple with the effects his family's rule had on the country.
But the resilience of the Rajapaksa dynasty makes more pressing the question of what is to become of democracy in Sri Lanka. And if Namal manages to rebuild the SLPP's voter base, he may one day become a credible contender for leadership himself. Comparisons have been made with political families elsewhere, for example the Marcoses in the Philippines, whose second-generation political scion succeeded in rehabilitating a once-heinous family name.
For the moment, Sri Lanka's future is not clear. The *aragalaya* was a loud demonstration of anger and frustration by the public, a protest against the entrenched political class. But if that movement will have a lasting impact-or whether the Rajapaksas can make a return to power-is yet to be seen. In a country with a history of political resilience, the Rajapaksa saga may not be over.
